#ReportingToRemember the Sub Inspector of Haryana Police for protecting rapists that belonged to the same caste as him, through procedural delays & errors.

On 6 August 2012, a Dalit girl who was 14 or 15-years-old at the time, was abducted on her way to school and raped by two men., The two men, Ajay and Krishnen, were from the Rodh community in the Kalsi village of the Karnal district in Haryana.

The Rodhs are an agricultural dominant caste in Haryana similar to the Jats. Manisha  belonged to the Dhanuk caste, a Scheduled caste in Haryana. The two  rapists received help from a woman in the victim's neighbourhood. The woman took the clothes the victim had been wearing when she was raped, washed them, and gloated about the loss of her honour to the victim’s  mother.

The victim was supported by her parents, and especially her mother, who sought justice for her daughter in spite of opposition from the community and threats from the accused. 

On September 3, 2012,the victim’s mother went missing. However, when her father tried to file a complaint, Assistant Sub-Inspector Ram Prakash, who belonged to the same caste as the accused, refused to file a complaint. A complaint was written down on September 4, 2012, but many of the crucial details were excluded, and the FIR was finally registered on September 5, 2012. Even then, since the clothes she had been wearing during the rape had been washed, the police took the clothes she had worn to the police station that day and filed it as evidence, no doubt to discredit the case during trial. 

Two hours after the FIR registration, the victim’s mother's body was found dumped in a canal. The rape survivor’s mother had been raped, strangled with her chunni, and disfigured with acid by the same men.

When the victim and her father went to file the complaint for the rape and the murder, the police sub inspector, Ram Prakash, also a Rodh, tore up their complaint and threw it away. He insulted them for their caste. The complaint was finally filed when the Superintendent of Police intervened ( senior to sub inspector).

Manisha Devi, an activist from All India Dalit Mahila Adhikar Manch (AIDMAM) and National Confederation of Dalit Organisations (NACDOR) had accompanied the victim and her father to the police station. To her, one of the police offers said that such problems (caste-based sexual violence) would only end when there are no Dalit women left. He said to Manisha Devi, “Yeh sab khatam ho jaani chahiyen” (These women should cease to exist).



The family faced ostracization from their own community, due to the implication of their Dalit neighbour in the case who had assisted the rapists by washing the victim’s clothes. They also faced economic boycott from the Rodhs, due to which the victim’s father was left without a livelihood in the village. The victim and her father received threats from the accused, as well as pressure from the Panchayat to withdraw their complaints. The victim was also expelled from her school. She later became an activist associated with AIDMAM and Dalit Women Fight.


#ReportingToRemember the Khap Panchayat of Kaithal, Haryana for harassing, blaming and forcing a Dalit survivor of gang-rape to alter her testimony.

On March 10, 2015, a 30-year-old Dalit woman from the Kaithal district in Haryana, was gang-raped by six men of the Jat caste. She filed an FIR on the same day and on March 28, the police filed charges including rape, kidnapping, and assault under the Prevention of Atrocities Act. The trial was delayed because the forensic results  needed time.  The victim and her family began to face harassment and victim blame from the Khap Panchayat. In this case, the law was being followed by the police and justice could have been served. However, the victim blaming tactics of intimidation were used by the dominant caste men to force the victim and her family to turn into a hostile witness in court. She altered her testimony, thus leading to the acquittal of the accused. Soon after, the victim and her family left the village. 


#ReportingToRemember the upper caste community in Palwan village for harassing & publicly shaming a Dalit rape survivor & her family, leading to the survivor’s suicide.

On September 18, 2017, an 18-year-old Dalit woman died by suicide, in a hospital in Haryana, two days after she had consumed poison. A month before this, the victim who lived in the Palwan village, was on her way to get water from a neighbouring area in the village. On her way, she was allegedly taken to a field by three men, Rahul, Praveen, and Kuldeep (castes unreported), who then gangraped her.


On the same day, the victim narrated the incident to her parents. However, fearing social stigma, the family of the victim decided not to file a police complaint. Instead, they complained to the families of the accused, asking them to counsel their boys to stay away from their daughter.

The gangrape and the complaint made by the victims family was followed by a month of harassment and public shaming further committed by the accused. The accused would stalk the victim, often demanding that she accompany them. When she refused, they would paste posters outside the victim’s house, with false details of the rape and objectionable remarks about the victim, in order to shame her and warn her of further humiliation if she took action against them. They would also taunt her when she went out. Finally, they threw a letter inside her house with more vulgar remarks which drove her to commit suicide. Unable to bear the harassment, she consumed poison on September 16, after which she was admitted to a hospital. She died two days later. The Jind SP Arun Singh said that the three accused were arrested and charges under the relevant sections of the IPC and the SC, ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act were filed against them. 


#ReportingToRemember the Pillukhera & Amarheri police for procedural delays, errors and negligence in the rape & murder of a Dalit woman.

On August 24th , 2013, a 20-year-old Dalit woman was raped and murdered while she was travelling to Jind from her village Baniyakheda. She had left home at 11 am and was on her way to write an exam. She was a student of the Junior Basic Teacher Training course. A woman from her village saw her get off the bus at the Jind bus stop, from where she was to take an auto-rickshaw to the examination centre. She was the  daughter of a mason.

Several hours after she had left, her father received a phone call saying that a plastic bag had been found with some papers, including her identity card and her father’s contact number. When the victim did not return home even at 6:30 PM, the family went to file a complaint at the Pillukhera police station near their home. There, they found that the phone call had come from a person in Amarheri Gaon. The family went from Pillukhera to Amarheri to file the complaint but the Amheri police sent them back to Pillukhera police station, and the police refused to help them in finding the victim. The victim’s family went to search for her again at Amarheri Gaon but could not find her. During this time when their daughter had gone missing, when it was critical to find her immediately, the police refused to cooperate with the family, instead making them travel back and forth.


The next day, the family was told by the police that her body was found in the bushes near an irrigation canal in Amarheri. One relative had rushed to the spot, and seen that her body was lying face down, with her head at a lower level than her legs, which were sprawled closer to the road, her dupatta was missing, and her clothes were dishevelled.

The body was taken to the morgue by the police. The women of the family rushed to the morgue and found that the body was kept on a stretcher without supervision or refrigeration. The women carefully examined the body and saw that her salwar and lower body was soaked with blood, there were cigarette burns on her upper torso, her neck was tilted as if it was broken, her feet were injured, and her hands and toes seemed to be broken as well. The police refused to conduct the post-mortem or preserve the body appropriately in spite of repeated requests of the family. The family then decided to take the body outside the morgue and sit in protest of the delay and indifference shown by the police. The family and the community of the victim formed a committee to resist the police indifference and camped outside the Civil Hospital of Jind with the victim’s body, demanding justice. There, the police brutally beat up protestors, and even kicked the dead body of the girl, and slapped her father, saying “Go away, you won’t get anything here”.


The post-mortem was finally conducted two days after her body was found, and the police claimed that there was no evidence of rape and that it was a suicide. The police gave contradictory statements that her death was due to suicide, poisoning and mosquito bites. A second post-mortem was conducted only after the police violence on protestors attracted media attention and therefore pressure on the police. 

The second post-mortem revealed that the first post mortem was conducted by an inexperienced person and in an extremely callous manner, resulting in the loss of crucial evidence. In the first post-mortem, the organs were wrongfully handled , and a segment of the large intestine was left hanging outside the body. 

There were major contradictions between the first and second post-mortemsThe first post mortem report mentioned that the hymen was ruptured and the second one said that it was not. The police claimed again that it was a suicide, inspite of evidence of significant bruising and injuries  suggesting rape. 

A third post-mortem was conducted at AIIMS hospital, however by this stage the victim’s body was in an advanced stage of decomposition and the report could not prove rape. The police claimed that it was a suicide and said that traces of poison were found in the body, but this was denied by Dr Sunil Gupta of AIIMS, one of the doctors who conducted the post-mortem, suggesting falsifying of information by the police. None of the post-mortem reports were shown to the family in spite of RTI applications and court pleas.

In a pattern of blaming Dalit women for the violence they face, the police showed a consistent effort of asserting that it was a suicide before any conclusive evidence was found and hence not conducting a satisfactory investigation. The local administration and police attempted to hush up the case and hide their negligence by saying that the victim died by suicide. The police also showed contempt towards the victim’s family. This was made visible through the police brutality against the protestors, many of whom were also faced with blame in media reports which described them as a “mob” that went on a rampage and destroyed public property. Relatives of the vitim were arrested in connection with the peaceful protest, and one Dalit boy was arrested for ‘abetment of suicide’. All of the arrested youth reported police brutality in custody. The case was finally closed with the police claiming that it was a ‘suicide’ due to a ‘failed love affair’. We still do not know who murdered the young Dalit girl. 


#ReportingToRemember the Jat Khap Panchayat, the police and the upper caste Jat community in Daya, Haryana.

On November 3, 2012, a 16-year-old Dalit girl was gangraped by four Jat boys in the Daya village in Hisar district, Haryana. The victim, whose mother had passed away 12 years before this incident, used to live with her father, who was a labourer at a sand mine. The victim returned home from school in the afternoon to have her lunch as she did everyday. Her father was usually at work at that time  As she was eating, the four Jat boys, who were all known to her, entered her house, tied her up, and then raped her one after another, threatening to kill her if she reported it to anyone. 

Jats are a traditionally agricultural caste, which although classified as OBC in some states, is a powerful landowning caste in Haryana and enjoys political influence.

After the violence, the victim dropped out of school .  She could  not tell anyone what happened out of shame and fear. When her father finally found out about the incident from her, he informed  members of the family and the matter soon became public in the village. On November 8, the Jat Khap panchayat (unelected all-male caste council) attempted to force the victim and her father to accept an apology and compensation in return for not reporting the violence to the police. The victim and her family refused the apology. They did not accept the compensation to stay silent.

The victim’s father went to the police station on November 11, 2012, to report the matter. He was threatened and intimidated, and forced to sign a statement saying that the victim had only been beaten up. The rapists’ family members immediately came to the victim’s house when they found out about the case, and abused and intimidated the family, threatening social boycott and expulsion from the village if they did not drop the case. The victim’s father was coerced into signing a statement saying that a compromise had been reached.

Soon after, with the help of the uncle of the victim, student groups and Dalit activists, a complaint was filed with the Superintendent of the Police, a medical examination was conducted, and the accused were arrested.

The  arrests of the 4 Jat boys were followed by public khap panchayat meetings on the 15th and 16th of November, where the Jats threatened the victim’s family with expulsion from the village if they did not withdraw the complaint. The accused were released on bail a month after the arrest, and the case was shifted to the Deputy Superintendent of the Police, with details of rape being ommitted, the victim’s testimony erased, and the charges only including trespass, ‘simple hurt’, and threat. 

The police said that the medical examination, which was conducted six days after the violence took place, did not match the victim’s testimony of rape. The charges under the Atrocity act were also dropped.

The victim’s lawyer filed a complaint against this investigation in court. In retaliation, the police filed a counter-case under the Atrocity act against him since the DSP whom he had accused of falsifying the case also belonged to a Scheduled Caste.

The family was faced with further harassment, intimidation, and caste discrimination following this. The Jats of the village regularly threatened them and imposed an economic boycott on the victim’s father who in the absence of any livelihood in the village had to travel 8 kilometers to get work. The victims' uncles and cousins were implicated in false cases alleging that they kidnapped a Jat boy.

The victim was forced to leave the village and go to her aunt’s house in Hisar after the rapists were released on bail, and she had to leave school due to taunts and harassment. The case was filed as a private complaint under the IPC and the PoA Act. In 2015, the victim was abused by her uncle who had previously helped her fight the case. He physically attacked her with a brick to the extent that she needed hospitalization and nine stitches on her scalp. The family lodged a complaint against the uncle at the Hisar District court. There have been no further updates reported on either case.




#ReportingToRemember the panchayat, local political parties, the family of the accused, and a local girl’s college in Hisar, Haryana for blaming & shaming a Dalit rape survivor.

On September 9, 2012, a 15-year-old Dalit girl from the Dabra village in the Hisar district of Haryana was on her way to her relative’s house in a nearby village, when she was abducted by a group of 8 to 12 men who then raped her and filmed the act. The victim gave a statement where she said that 12 people were involved though 4 of them were never named in the FIR or on media reports, and the victim believes that the police excluded their names in order to protect them. According to some reports, she was raped by 7 men while 5 others stood guard.


At least 8 of them were reported as belonging to the Jat caste. The victim belonged to the Chamar caste. Jats are the dominant caste in the area, with their population being 800 households, whereas Chamars make up only 150 households and are largely economically dependent on the Jats.

The men took her to a field on the road, fed her intoxicants, and then raped her. They filmed the act, threatening to release it if she reported the violence to anyone. Although she was silenced by this threat, they began to sell the video, reportedly for 200 rupees. When her father found out about it, he committed suicide by consuming pesticide. According to some reports, she revealed what had happened to her mother who had noticed that she had become withdrawn and asked her about it repeatedly, and her father was told that the videos would be released when he was planning to file a police complaint. According to other reports, he found out about it when a co-worker at the house where he worked as a gardener, showed him the video of the rape that had already been leaked.

It was only after her father’s suicide that the case gained attention and local activists began to protest, and the police started to pursue the case. By this time, the accused were absconding. The police delayed the investigation at various stages and harassed the victim and her family. They picked up men at random, asking her to identify them, and when she refused to identify them as her rapists, they would taunt her saying things such as “if this is not the right guy, you go and find them yourself”. They intentionally omitted the caste of the perpetrators from the police reports, instead attempting to implicate Dalit youth, including the victim’s brother. Meanwhile, the family continued to face threats from the panchayat, local political parties such as the Indian National Lok Dal (INLD) and the kin of the accused. The police finally made 11 arrests, though only 4 were convicted. Those who were convicted were also released on bail.

After the victim enrolled in a local girls college in Hisar, a sister of one of the accused who was studying at the same college revealed her identity, following which she began to face harassment from her peers. In November 2013, she wrote to the National Commission for Scheduled Castes, saying upper-caste students at her college were taunting her and using filthy language against her. Her complaints to the principal went unheard and no action was taken against the harassers. While she was promised free treatment at local hospitals, she was always made to pay, ignored, and humiliated. Around the same time Jyoti Singh was taken to Singapore for treatment, in her letter to the National Commission for Scheduled Castes, the victim wrote that she was being refused treatment even at the local nursing home.

After she was interviewed by reporters from an Australian TV channel, she was further harassed by the District Collector, her college principal, and the Chief Medical Officer, who declared her mentally ill to discredit her. The victim’s brother too, was forced to drop out of the Industrial Training Institute (ITI) where he was studying due to taunts and humiliation after his sister’s rape and father’s death. 


#ReportingToRemember the Ariyalur police for framing murder as ‘suicide’, for blaming the victim and subsequent police inaction.

On July 4, a 40-year-old Dalit woman from the Sriraman village in Ariyalur, Tamil Nadu, had left her house at around noon to take a bath. When she didn’t return for a long time, her father went in search of her. He found his daughter’s body near a local temple which fell in the limits of the neighbouring Cuddalore district.

The victim had reportedly been in a relationship for the past 2 to 5 years (reports vary in the exact amount of time) with a man named Palani, a 45-year-old widower from the Vanniyar caste. 

Although historically associated with agricultural labour and classified by the government as a backward class, Vanniyars have increasing influence in Tamil Nadu. The Vanniyar community have come to own  land and therefore power, over time. Vanniyar political organizations, such as the Pattali Makkal Katchi (PMK) have been known for anti-Dalit mobilizations and violence. 

Palani’s sons Muthuvel, Ajith Kumar, and Seth, were against his relationship with the victim. Palani’s three sons had inflicted caste-based gendered violence on her five months prior to her death. Muthuvel, Ajith Kumar and Seth had stripped the victim and tied her to an electricity pole, after which they beat her and hurled caste slurs at her. The three sons forced the victim’s family to apologize and promise to them that she will discontinue the relationship.

Due to this history of caste violence she had faced from them, the victim’s family believed that the victim had been raped and murdered by the three Vanniyar men. The condition in which her body was also suspicious and suggested foul play. She was found kneeling next to a tree with a cloth tied around a neck, the other end of which was tied to the tree.

According to witnesses’ accounts and reports, she was found dead tied to the tree while she was kneeling, her clothes were in a disarray and had blood on them. However, the police claimed that it was a suicide.

The police did not send the victim’s body for a post-mortem until 300 people from the victim’s village protested outside the police station two days after her murder. 

Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi (VCK) was one of the organisations that mobilized to demand that the victim’s body be sent for a post-mortem. The VCK was formerly known as the Dalit Panthers Iyyakam in Tamil Nadu, a movement inspired by the Dalit Panthers in Maharasthra. The Panchayat President of the VCK said that Palani called the victim on the day of her murder, suggesting an association between Palani and the events of that day.

This was contrary to the police’s account that she had called Palani using another woman’s phone, asking him for liquor.

The police blamed the violence on the victim and erased her and her family’s experience of casteist violence by not only claiming that she had committed suicide without a satisfactory investigation, but further claiming that she had called Palani from another woman’s phone at noon on that day asking for liquor. A claim like this, although made without substantial evidence and irrelevant to ascertaining whether or not she committed suicide, shifts the onus on the family to defend her from this blame. The implication of making such a claim is that the victim was a loose woman, calling a man in order to procure liquor. This idea of the victim as an unreliable and compromised character is used to justify the violence against her and undermine the family’s agency in seeking justice.


#ReportingToRemember a mob of 30 Maratha men who beat, stripped and dragged a Dalit woman & justified their violence by claiming she was a ‘thief’.

On June 2, 2017, a 50-year-old Dalit woman, whose name is unknown, was beaten, stripped, and dragged on the ground by a mob of 30 Maratha men. The woman belonged to Charmakar caste. The 50 year old woman was from  Ruikhed village in the Buldhana district of Maharashtra. This is also where the violence occurred. The mob of 30 Maratha men, left her when she fell unconscious from the violence. The mob also tried to attack her husband and sons, though they managed to escape with minor injuries. 

According to the victim’s account, there was a  conflict between her husband and her son on the evening of June 2nd, 2017. Their fight escalated, and her husband left the house saying that he would hang himself to death. Distressed and terrified, the woman and her sons ran out to look for him, and mistakenly entered their Maratha neighbour’s farm. 

The Marathas were celebrating a wedding and a lot of the men were inebriated. One of the Marathas at the wedding saw the victim and exclaimed “Thief! ” and soon the mob attacked her. The mob pushed the police patil to the ground when he tried to intervene. A police patil is an official appointed by the state government for assisting the police in the village. After the violence, they threatened the other villagers saying that anyone who tried to help her would face dire consequences. 

In the Ruikhed village, there are only 25 Chamarkar families, The Marathas hold political influence, with the sarpanch, deputy sarpanch, the Tanta Mukti Samiti, and the police patil, all belonging to the extended Maratha Ugale family. However, the victim in this case had been politically assertive and owned six acres of cultivable land. This assertion did not sit right with the dominant caste families and according to the victim, it is for this reason that they punished her. 

Members of the Maratha community went on record to blame the victim and justify the violence, lying about how the victim was a thief, and pointing to previous complaints of manufacturing illicit liquor and cattle theft that were pending against her and her family. Due to the victim not having a ‘clean record’, many activists also withdrew involvement from the case. 


#ReportingToRemember the Panchayat head, the Hisar General Hospital and the upper caste community in Bhagana, Haryana for harassing & denying justice to minor girls who were gang-raped.

On the night of March 24, 2014, four friends, a 13-year-old girl, two 17-year-old girls, and one 18-year-old girl, from Bhagana in Haryana went to the wheat fields near their homes to relieve themselves, as they did every night. There, they were sedated and abducted by 5 men belonging to the Jat caste, who carried them off in a car and then gangraped them. The five accused were Lalit, Sumit, Dharnwir, and Sandip Panghal from Bhagana, and Parmal Panghal from Kugand in Haryana. 

The victims remembered being overpowered by the men and having their mouths stuffed with handkerchiefs before losing consciousness. They regained consciousness in the Bhatinda railway station. They didn’t know where they were but from their torn clothes and bruises on their body, they knew they had been raped.

The four girls belonged to the Dhanuk caste, a Scheduled caste in Haryana. The perpetrators, Jats, are an agricultural caste which was dominant in Bhagana due to ownership of land and political power. 

Dalits made up 30% of the population of the Bhagana village, and included the Chamar caste, the Dhanuk caste, and the Valmiki caste. Bhagana had seen years of caste hostility by the Jats against the Dalits. A land conflict had started in 2011, when the Jats appropriated a large part of the community land which was to be distributed by Panchayats to SC and OBC populations.

The common land of a village belonging to the village panchayat is known as the shamilat deh land. According to existing legal provisions, it is the panchayat’s responsibility to distribute this land amongst the landless farmers in the village, including the Scheduled Caste and OBC populations. There were about 280 acres of such land in Bhagana. Jat landholders were given 60 yards of land each for every acre of land they owned. However, Dalit families were made to pay 1000 rupees for getting ownership of each 60-yard plot of land. Further, the legal documents of ownership were withheld by the Panchayat. The Dalits believed that the plots of land given to them were the ones refused by the Jat landholders as they belonged to the cemetery. The Jats also took over a playground which had for years been a meeting place and community space for the Dalits, known as ‘Ambedkar Chowk’. 

The Dalits protested against the unequal distribution of common land by the Panchayat by filing a case at the High Court of Punjab and Haryana. The case was dismissed by the Court as there was a separate mechanism in place for approaching higher authorities for implementation of land order. However, the Court upheld the existing provisions of land distribution. However, in retaliation, the Jats led by sarpanch Rakesh Panghal unleashed a social boycott that left the Dalits without livelihood, access to resources, healthcare, and more. Dalit women were routinely harassed by Jat men. Jat men built a culture of shame and fear in the village. Two of the victims would be harassed by youth from the dominant caste and it forced them to stay at home, and drop out of school. This is before the incident of gangrape. In 2011, 138 Dalit families were forced to flee from the village due to the constant threat of violence from the Jats. Out of the Dalit population, about 150 Dhanuk families stayed back. 

It was in this context that the four Dhanuk girls were abducted and gangraped. After the four girls went missing, their families went to Panghal to ask his help in filing an FIR. Panghal the Panchayat head, laughed and dismissed their worries, terming it as an elopement, even though three of the girls were minors, and refused to file a complaint. When the families said that they would go ahead and file a missing persons complaint without his cooperation, he finally revealed that he knew about their whereabouts. He informed them that the girls were in Bhatinda.

According to the four girls, one of the five men who had raped them had been stationed to keep a watch on them while the other four had gone to get breakfast. As soon as he was informed by the sarpanch that they were coming to look for the girls, he fled. The manner in which the victims were found shows the collusion between the sarpanch and the rapists.

Rakesh Panghal along with his uncle Virendra drove members from the four families from Bhagana to Bhatinda, where the girls were. The families met their daughters in Bhatinda. Panghal and Virendra forced the families to go back via train citing lack of space. They forced the girls to go back in a car with them. On the journey back to Bhagana, the two men intimidated and threatened the girls saying that they would kill them if they told anyone what happened. They also tried to drive them to their own house, intending to marry them off to the accused, and frame the violence as a case of elopement. The victims were rescued by some men from their community on the way.

The families went to file an FIR on the same night, but the police ignored their complaints and refused to file an FIR until 200 people protested outside the station. The FIR was filed on March 25th, 2015. In the FIR, the names of panchayat leader Rakesh and his uncle Virendra were excluded even though the victims had named them in their testimony. On March 25th, 2015 after going through the trauma of being sedated, abducted, raped, and threatened, the girls were made to wait for their medical test till 1:30 AM at night at the Hisar General Hospital. 

During their medical examination they were subjected to the extremely dehumanising two finger test, an unscientific method where medical professionals penetrate a rape victim’s vagina without their consent, aiming to check the “elasticity” of the vagina and give an opinion about whether the victim is “habituated to sex”. This method is not only invasive and traumatising, but is also based in victim blame, as women’s sexual history is used to discredit their testimonies of rape.

After the FIR and the medical examination, the accused were arrested on March 29 and April 1, 2014. The victims were given compensation of 1.2 lakhs each and two of them were given an additional 65,000 rupees by the state government. However, the Jats retaliated  by extending their social boycott, which was earlier focused on the Chamar community, to the Dhanuks as well. The arrest of the perpetrators was of little comfort as the entire community was constantly under threat of violence and lost all forms of livelihood.

Members of the Dhanuk caste were even excluded from employment under the MGNREGA scheme. The Mahatma Gandhi Employment Guarantee Act 2005 is a social security measure to ensure the right to work, under which every household, whose adult members volunteer to do unskilled manual work, is entitled to 100 days of wage employment. 

First due to the land distribution issue, then the gangrape, and the social boycott, the Dalits of Bhagana had been protesting since 2012. The Dalits did not receive any support from the government authorities, and in fact the then-Chief Minister of Haryana, Bhupendra Singh Hooda outrightly refused to help them saying that he was a Jat first and a Chief Minister later.

Members of the Jat community of Bhagana went on record to engage in victim blaming; making efforts to jusitfy the gangrape against Dalit minors. Rakesh Panghal said that the act was ‘consensual’, and that one of the girls had an ‘illicit affair’ with one of the accused and the rape allegations were being ‘fabricated for politics’. Panghal  also said that the girls cannot be trusted because they were known to have had multiple affairs. Shakti Singh, who became the sarpanch after Panghal, said that the girls went with the boys on their own and later blamed them. Many said that the Dalits were making false claims for money.

Following the rape, around 80 Dhanuk families along with the victims were forced to flee due to the threats and ostracization by the Jats, and they joined the protest camp in Jantar Mantar, Delhi where Dalits of Bhagana had been protesting since 2012. In 2015, the five accused were acquitted by a fast-track court in Hisar for lack of evidence. The victims have filed for an appeal at the Haryana High Court but no updates in the case have been reported. The Dalits of Bhagana have continued their protest and remain camped in Delhi. The last reported update, from 2019, shows that there has been no government intervention and the Jats of Bhagana have not been held accountable even today.



#ReportingToRemmeber brother Sonu and Sachin Gautham for the rape & subsequent harassment of a minor Dalit girl.

A minor Dalit girl was abducted and raped by Sachin Gautam on 19th December, 2019 in Uttar Pradesh. The alleged rapist had been arrested and sent to jail. However, on 14th May 2020, the brother of the accused, Sonu Gautam, allegedly began to harass and threaten the minor girl’s  father. The young Dalit girl witnessed her father’s harassment by the brother of the rapist, and was driven to suicide. She hung herself on May 14, 2020 in Bachaupur, Uttar Pradesh. The caste of the perpetrators has not been reported, though Gautams are often Brahmins or Rajputs in Uttar Pradesh.

The immense psychological, emotional, and physical distress of rape is followed here by intimidation, humiliation, and the threat of violence. This violence is not just aimed at the victim but her family as well. The burden of her family’s safety and dignity is placed on the victim. Thus, an environment of shame and fear is created for the victim to blame herself for the dangers to her family.

Here especially, a minor Dalit girl faced immense distress on witnessing how her family was being further punished for the violence she faced, which added to the trauma of rape, leading to her taking her own life.


#ReportingToRemember the mob of Kunbis that murdered & tortured the Bhotmanges, a Dalit family & justified their violence by blaming Surekha Bhotmange.

On September 29, 2006, four members of a Dalit family, Surekha, Priyanka, Sudhir, and Roshan Bhotmange were tortured and murdered by villagers mostly belonging to the dominant Maratha-Kunbi caste in Khairlanji, Maharashtra. Surekha and Priyanka were stripped naked, paraded around the village, and gangraped and tortured before being murdered.

Kunbi is a term used to refer to many traditionally non-elite agricultural castes from Western India. They are classified as OBC but are a dominant land-owning caste in many regions. The Bhotmanges belonged to the Mahar caste, a Scheduled Caste in 16 Indian states. The Bhotmanges were one of only two Dalit families in the village who owned land and cultivated it for their livelihood. The Bhotmange family also ensured to educate their children. The dominant castes of the village could not accept the Bhotmanges having power,  and frequently created conflicts, picked fights, and got violent against the family. The Bhotmange family faced caste oppression throughout the time they lived in the village, with Surekha the mother of Priyanka, Sudhir, and Roshan, not being allowed to construct a pucca house on her own land. For the upper-castes of the village, the Dalit family living in a pucca house, or a house that was solid and permanent, was seen as “getting out of hand” or coming out of their subservient position. Surekha’s daughter Priyanka was also subject to casteist taunts even as she topped at her school. 

On September 3, Siddharth Gajbhiye, the other land-owning Dalit in the village, and also a Mahar, was beaten up by villagers belonging to the dominant castes of Kunbi, Kalar, and Gond. They allegedly did so due because of  a dispute over payment of agricultural wages. An FIR was registered against the assaulters later, in which Surekha and Priyanka served as witnesses. Around four years before this incident, Gajbijiye had stood by the Bhotmanges when the dominant caste families who owned the land around them were trying to forcefully seize their land.

The accused threatened them at that time, asking how they could dare to give witness against them, and saying, “‘Why did you stand witness against us, we shall finish you off.”. The accussed were arrested but released on bail the very next day, on September 29. Immediately after release,the accused went to Siddharth Gajbijiye’s house to take revenge., On not finding him, they held a meeting in the village with the local MP and MLA. Immediately after this session, the accused went to inflict violence on the Bhotmange family. Bhaiyyalal Bhotmange explained that the meerting suggests that the accused received the MLA and MP’s support in what they were about to do. None of the political leaders including the sarpanch, Upasrao Khandate, the deputy sarpanch Urkuda Khurpe, and the MLAs Madhukar Kukde and Ram Aswale from the BJP, and Kiran Atkari and Nana Panchbuddhe from the NCP, supported the victims in securing justice. Rather, they supported the culprits, and according to Bhaiyalal, many of the accused were the politicians’ activists. 

Bhaiyalal was the only surviving member of the Bhotmange family.Bhaiyalal witnessed the lynching and rape of his family members.A mob comprising of the entire village, out of which Bhaiyyalal had named about 60 to 70 people to the police, went to their house,and a group of women from the mob who were from the OBC families dragged Priyanka and Surekha out of the house. The women in the mob beat Priyanka and Surekha,  and tore their clothes. Surekha’s sons , Sudhir and Roshan,   were also caught and beaten . The mob shouted, ‘You mahars, dheds, you have chadhle [things have gone to your head]’! They were brutally tortured and murdered in the village square, with the involvement of the entire village, and their bodies were carried in a bullock cart and dumped in a canal in Kandri village, about 2 kilometres away from their village. 

After the incident, rumours were created in order to erase the caste-based aspect of the violence. The rumours were created to justify the act - with narratives such as  Surekha had an affair with Gajbhiye, and that she sold liquor.The narratives were built to diminish what had happened by instead questioning Surekha’s morals and purity of character. The violence was a caste-based atrocity and nothing can justify this. #INeverAskForIt 

Out of all the accused, only eight people were held guilty of murder, out of which 6 were given the death sentence and 2 were given life imprisonment by the Bhandara Court. However, in 2010, the Nagpur Bench of the High Court reduced the death sentence of the 6 convicted to 25 years of rigorous imprisonment. Bhaiyyalal Bhotmange appealed this decision of the High Court in front of the Supreme Court of India. The case was last listed for a hearing on August 14, 2015. However, no updates were reported. Bhaiyyalal Bhotmange died of a heart attack on January 20, 2017.